Individual
reports:
Report Nº 1
25 February 2005
Judith Berkan, lawyer and lecturer in law, Puerto
Rico
As one
of the original members of the Euskal Herria Watch
Commission, made up of legal scholars from different
countries, I had the opportunity to attend the
trial regarding Sumario 18/01 (Jarrai-Haika) and
Sumario 15/02 (Segi), a prosecution brought against
42 members of youth organizations in the Basque
Country. I attended two days of the trial, on
the 25th and 28th of February, 2005.
This group of defendants is accused of “integrating”
the ETA organization through their alleged membership
in the youth organizations Jarrai, Haika and/or
Segi. All are confronting accusations regarding
activities in favor of ETA or integration in the
armed organization, through their activities in
these youth groups. These groups were completely
legal organizations, operating openly. The youths
are accused by the justice system in Spain of
“belonging to an armed organization”,
and of “genocide” through what is
called a “popular accusation”.
I saw the testimony offered by 7 witnesses over
the two days, all of whom were presented by the
state. Four members of ETA testified, as did several
youths who had previously given declarations to
the state regarding their participation in youth
groups in Euskal Herria.
What follows are some of my observations concerning
the process:
The
collective accusation
During
the time I observed, I was unable to perceive
a single allegation containing concrete, particularized
facts. Nor did I observe any evidence concerning
precise conduct on the part of any of the individuals
being accused. Everything seemed to indicate that
the state intends to prove this case on the basis
of the generic participation of these youths in
groups which were subsequently made illegal, and
insinuations about activities by these groups
which might be characterized as illegal, rather
than on the basis of proof of the defendants’
individual participation in criminal acts. In
this context, it is interesting to compare the
possible sentences these youths are facing with
those which have been imposed on others who have
actually been convicted of directed participation
in the armed struggle. How is it possible that
the Spanish government is requesting prison terms
of decades for the youths accused in Sumario 18/01
y 15/02, while lesser sentences have been imposed
on those who have been charged and convicted of
much more serious crimes, in cases where there
have been accusations of direct participation
in acts of violence?
The use of preventive
detention to repress dissident movements
The fact that several of these youths will complete
four years in preventive detention in approximately
one week’s time raises significant concerns
with regard to the use of preventive detention
as a means of repression. The attendant circumstances
seem to indicate that the prosecutions stem not
from the interest of the Spanish State in accusing
those who may be guilty of crimes, but rather
from a political interest in repressing the movement
in the Basque Country through preventive detention
of those who participate in the most active sectors
of that movement.
The performance
of the attorney representing the “popular
accusation”
In addition to the prosecuting attorney and the
defense counsel, an attorney representing the
“popular accusation” presented by
the Association of Terrorism Victims, Pedro Cerracin.
This attorney has the right to interrogate witnesses
after the prosecutor completes his turn. From
what I was able to observe, the participation
of this representative of the “popular accusation”
bordered on the ridiculous. Attorney Cerracin
tried to enter into a debate with a former leader
of ETA, José Luís Álvarez
Santacristina, (Txelis), who has been jailed since
1992. The attorney would engage in extensive political
diatribes, which were directly answered by Txelis.
Through his questions, attorney Cerracin demonstrated
a manifest incapacity in understanding the nature
of popular participation in a national liberation
struggle, and the work of social, community, political
organizations and the like in such a movement.
The arguments presented by this attorney were
so illogical and offensive that even the presiding
judge of the courtroom, Félix Alfonso Guevara,
ended up telling him to shut up (in so many words).
An example of this behavior occurred when attorney
Cerracin asked Txelis about the supposed link
between ETA and Jarrai during the 1980's, covering
a period before Txelis was jailed. Faced with
the witness’s answer denying such a link,
Cerracin tried to conclude that therefore, during
the later period in the 1990's — the period
comprehended in the accusation against the members
of the youth organizations — the links actually
did exist. Starting with a false premise, followed
by a denial of the premise, Mr. Cerracin went
on to culminate with supposed proof of the opposite
of the denial, based precisely on the lack of
knowledge of the witness about the facts charged
in the case before the court.
The
poor quality of the proof concerning links between
the organizations:
In order
to prove the case against these youths, the state
has the obligation to establish the link between
ETA and the Basque youth organizations, the latter
having operating openly and in a state of complete
legality. In order to do this, the state is presenting
proof about the Coordinadora Abertzale Socialista,
KAS, in which the organization Jarrai participated
at one point in time. The idea is to prove links
in a chain: Defendant A participated openly in
Segi; Segi is the successor organization to Haika;
Haika is the continuation of Jarrai; Jarrai at
some point was one of the organizations which
participated in KAS. And, supposedly, KAS was
controlled by ETA. Accordingly, Defendant A is
a member of ETA.
Neither the prosecutor nor attorney Cerracin has
had any success in proving this theory that “everything
is ETA”. They have tried to prove the link
through testimony offered by members of ETA, who
have been in jail since long before the facts
which gave rise to the case now before the Audiencia
Nacional. The testimony offered by the ETA members
certainly did not favor the position of the state.
These witnesses, in a very clear and logical manner,
explained the difference between illegal, military
action and the spontaneous expression giving rise
to organizations or actions of a people through
legal and open organizations. In point of fact,
the ETA witnesses testified about the absence
of any link between the armed organization and
the youth organizations, stressing that which
cannot be denied: that two organizations can share
goals — such as the independence of Euskal
Herria --- without their necessarily being links
between the organizations.
Illogical Premises
At times, the lines of questioning were
based on ridiculous and illogical premises, far
removed from the reality of political activity.
This occurred during the testimony of David Plá,
a young man who had first been a member of the
youth organization Haika, and who had later become
a member of ETA. While the witness spoke in very
clear terms about his own personal evolution and
the decisions he had taken regarding the scope
of his political activity, the prosecutor and
the attorney for the popular accusation tried
to establish that this individual history was
proof that membership in the youth organization
inexorably led to a later link with ETA.
The Torture Issue:
Two of
the witnesses testified that prior declarations
they had made, linking their membership in the
youth organizations with acts of sabotage, were
false, having been secured by the police through
acts of torture to which the witnesses had been
submitted, after several days of being held incomunicado.
Remarkably, the members of the Court appeared
to show no interest in these facts or in the need
to investigate these accusations which, if true,
would constitute crimes under Spanish law. It
was also apparent that they were not going to
look into the accusations, to see if they case
any doubt on the veracity of declarations made
under such conditions. Apparently, it is the intention
of the court to consider these declarations, possibly
secured through torture, as competent proof in
order to obtain convictions in this case.
The issue of authentication
of documents
Many of the documents received into evidence
during the proceeding have come from the police
investigative file, without being submitted to
a rigorous authentication process. In addition
to procedural concerns, moreover, there are substantive
reasons which call into question these documents.
One example will suffice: During the trial, the
prosecutor made reference to certain documents
which allegedly proved the connection between
Jarrai-Haika-Segi and ETA, and which were supposedly
obtained during a search and seizure associated
with the former ETA militant, José Luís
Álvarez Santacristina (Txelis) in 1992.
Some of these documents, however, were generated
in 1993, approximately one year after the search
was carried out.
Through this list, it is not my intention to cover
the totality of that which I observed during the
two days of trial or the information I ascertained
through interviews with concerned parties. Before
concluding this report, however, I must mention
the admirable spirit I was able to see on the
part of the youths who are facing these trials
(many after years of detention) and their family
members, as well as the tenacity and quality of
their legal representation, performing this difficult
work with the same admirable spirit and excellence.
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